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The Unitary Executive: Is the Doctrine Behind the Bush Presidency Consistent with a Democratic State


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The Unitary Executive: Is The Doctrine Behind the Bush Presidency Consistent with a Democratic State?
By JENNIFER VAN BERGEN
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Monday, Jan. 09, 2006
When President Bush signed the new law, sponsored by Senator McCain, restricting the use of torture when interrogating detainees, he also issued a Presidential signing statement. That statement asserted that his power as Commander-in-Chief gives him the authority to bypass the very law he had just signed.

This news came fast on the heels of Bush's shocking admission that, since 2002, he has repeatedly authorized the National Security Agency to conduct electronic surveillance without a warrant, in flagrant violation of applicable federal law.

And before that, Bush declared he had the unilateral authority to ignore the Geneva Conventions and to indefinitely detain without due process both immigrants and citizens as enemy combatants.

All these declarations echo the refrain Bush has been asserting from the outset of his presidency. That refrain is simple: Presidential power must be unilateral, and unchecked.

But the most recent and blatant presidential intrusions on the law and Constitution supply the verse to that refrain. They not only claim unilateral executive power, but also supply the train of the President's thinking, the texture of his motivations, and the root of his intentions.

They make clear, for instance, that the phrase "unitary executive" is a code word for a doctrine that favors nearly unlimited executive power. Bush has used the doctrine in his signing statements to quietly expand presidential authority.

In this column, I will consider the meaning of the unitary executive doctrine within a democratic government that respects the separation of powers. I will ask: Can our government remain true to its nature, yet also embrace this doctrine?

I will also consider what the President and his legal advisers mean by applying the unitary executive doctrine. And I will argue that the doctrine violates basic tenets of our system of checks and balances, quietly crossing longstanding legal and moral boundaries that are essential to a democratic society.

President Bush's Aggressive Use of Presidential Signing Statements

Bush has used presidential "signing statements" - statements issued by the President upon signing a bill into law -- to expand his power. Each of his signing statements says that he will interpret the law in question "in a manner consistent with his constitutional authority to supervise the unitary executive branch."

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If They Lie in Public, What Would They Do in Secret?


August 20, 2004

If They Lie in Public, What Would They Do in Secret?

National Security Courts and Torture Warrants

By JENNIFER VAN BERGEN

Two recent articles by Andrew C. McCarthy, a contributor to the National Review and a former chief assistant U.S. attorney who led the prosecution of Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman in connection with the first World Trade Center bombing,[1] discuss related topics of great interest to those concerned about how we handle the war on terrorism. In one, McCarthy discusses the topics of torture, the laws of war, the laws prohibiting torture, the POW status, and finally torture warrants.[2] In the other, McCarthy proposes a new court system which he calls a "national security court."[3] I admire the intelligence and clarity of McCarthy's analyses (and can overlook his occasional pot-shots at leftists and "pie-in-the-sky libertarians"), and he nearly convinces me, but in the end I find flaws and disagree with his conclusions. Let's look at them.

In his article on Abu Ghraib, McCarthy admits that "the whole crossroad of terrorism and law enforcement is complex," but argues that terrorists "must be fought as military enemies rather than criminal elements" for three reasons: (1) "the justice system . . . is incapable on its own of neutralizing more than a tiny fraction of the hordes that oppose us," (2) "judicial proceedings that target a relative handful of committed (and some suicidal) jihadists do not dissuade them; they have the opposite effect," and (3) terrorist cases require us to "cut corners" constitutionally, which is not good for "our system's majesty" because if we say "we treat terrorists just like we treat everyone else . . . everyone else is [in fact] being treated worse, and that is not the system we aspire to."[4] McCarthy concludes that "[b]y stretching precariously to assimilate [terrorists] while accommodating national security, the system succeeds only in warping itself."

It's a compelling argument. McCarthy adds that "it's not fair that the barbarity of a few should be of such profound consequence, but anyone who thinks that 'trust us' carries the same assurances today as it did [before the revelations of Abu Ghraib] is hallucinating." With powerful concessions to the principles often relied on by civil libertarians (ie., that "the sanctity and dignity of human life is a bedrock premise of civilized society, expressed at the Founding in the Declaration of Independence itself"), McCarthy nearly has his cake and eats it too. And his consequent suggestion becomes nearly irrefutable: that in order to prevent the dilution of our constitutional system of protections, we create a new parallel legal system just for terrorists, which he calls a "national security court."


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John Yoo: The President's Executioner




 

(with active links)


John Yoo: The President's Executioner

Jennifer Van Bergen


Photo: boston.com


The title of this article – The President's Executioner – is a play on words. It refers to professor John Yoo, who teaches law at Boalt Hall, University of California, Berkeley. But this man – mild-mannered by all appearances – is not what he seems.

He is the man who was, more often than nearly any other, behind the White House decisions to violate the international laws of war. He was the one who told the White House how to get away with committing war crimes. While he may have been a henchman for others who instructed him to make the arguments he did, he repeatedly refused to reverse himself, both while he worked in the Department of Justice and after he left that office and returned to academia.

But it was also during this time period, as we now know, that the Department of Justice became “politicized.” Instead of executing the laws as it should have been doing, the Justice Department became an instrument of President Bush, executing his wishes. And John Yoo executed White House wishes to twist the law into something it was not and was not meant to be.

Yoo, however, did more than execute orders. The so-called “Torture Memos,” in the writing of which Yoo was an active and primary participant, opened the door to such abuse of the laws that some detainees were actually murdered. For all practical purposes, they were executed, without a trial or guilty verdict.

Thus, the President's Executioner.

Yoo & the Unlimited Executive

Professor Yoo teaches the following courses: International Civil Litigation, International Law, Constitutional Law, Foreign Relations Law, Civil Procedure, International Trade, Separation of Powers Law. These courses cover big issues. They relate not to person-to-person issues, to one family's inheritance, a personal injury lawsuit, or a burglary. Most of the courses Professor Yoo teaches relate to how our country is run and who has the power to do what, internally and internationally.

But it would be a mistake to rely on Yoo's advice in these areas, for he would be interpreting laws he has broken and advised others to break.

The Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) at the Department of Justice is the office that issues legal opinions for the President and other departments (including the Department of Defense) in the executive branch. OLC opinions are relied on by these offices to guide them in carrying out their jobs. They are rarely rescinded, having almost the precedental effect of judicial decisions.


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